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However, the texts being critiqued have already encountered the journals project, based around assignments and task design. Kiely, g. Clibbon, p. Faber eds. The usual approach to studying mothers in academe results in concern about the way a family may impede a woman's progress in school.

Using this approach, research would highlight the problems women present for higher education instead of the problems higher education presents for women Edwards, Typicaly the demands of the instiution and its impact on the family remain unquestioned.

An overview of international literature from the late s to early s found most of the studies dealing with mature students in general, took the former perspective Osborne et al. By focusing on the impact family has on the women's studies, the "baggage of higher education is rendered invisible" Acker, , cited in Edwards, It is important then, to examine the process of education from the 6 students' perspective if we want to understand the "experiences of students themselves and the meanings they give to their education" Thomas, 7.

This research examines the meaning doctoral student mothers atach to their experiences, questioning the mutual impact of motherhood and studenthood on women. Universities, through policies afecting students such as maternity leave, or perhaps subsidies and preferential enrolment for their children at university daycares, has to some extent, acknowledged the personal lives of students.

Further, as noted by the student mothers in Long et al. These examples may indicate an easing of the rigid distinction between public and private spheres within the university, something that is addressed in this research project. An inquiry into the experiences of women doctoral students with childcare responsibilties is crucial to the study of women in higher education and is long overdue. This inquiry is signifcant for a number of reasons.

First, there is a paucity of research on women with childcare responsibilties who are enroled in post-secondary instiutions. One of the responsibilties of the university is to conduct scholarly exploration of fields that are relatively unknown and unarticulated UBC, I would argue that the study of the experiences of student mothers in post-secondary education is one such field.

Second, the demographic trends refered to earlier mean there is a greater likelihood of doctoral students combining study with childcare responsibilties. As the literature clearly ilustrates, there can be considerable stress involved in balancing these responsibilties. It is imperative we continue to conduct research to understand the stressors experienced by student mothers and indeed student parents in general.

The 7 UBC Academic Plan clearly states that one of the goals of the university is to "encourage students to be lifelong learners"; something the university has stated is a crucial requirement in the curent knowledge-based society. I believe for learning to be truly "life long" it must include the years spent bearing and raising children. Third, women, on average, are stil in the minority in most doctoral programmes and, according to Moses one of the reasons is that potential students who are mothers are wel aware of the dificulties involved in combining studenthood and motherhood.

Perhaps if we understand the bariers this group of students face we can develop plans that, at an instiutional level, address these barriers. In general, to create a learning environment that is engaging, creative and "supports varied ways of acquiring and transmiting knowledge" UBC, we must understand the needs of the student population and since women make up a signifcant proportion of university students, we must continue to initiate and support research on women students. Corolary to this is the desire on the part of the university to encourage the enrolment of mature students.

Since it is likely that mature students wil have responsibilties beyond their studies, it is imperative to understand their needs if the university wishes to atract and retain them. Aware of the paucity of research on student mothers, I wanted to investigate whether or not student mothers experienced a contradiction between the ideology of intensive mothering and the ideology of the good student.

In additon, I wanted to assess their awareness and their acceptance of each of the ideologies. The purpose of this study is to examine the experiences of women doctoral students living at the intersection of studenthood and motherhood. However, to achieve this purpose, it is first necessary to know what this group of women means when they speak of motherhood and studenthood.

The student mothers' perspectives can be very complex as they not only include what they hear, see and read are the dominant societal definitons of the good mother and the good student, but their own definitons of the good mother and the good student.

The later could range from a complete acceptance of the dominant definition to a complete rejection and everything in between. The first two tasks then, are to delineate the various definitons of the good mother and the good student. This includes the dominant definitons of the good mother and the good student from the literature, as wel as the dominant definitons as perceived by the student mothers. Corolary to delineating the dominant definitons is the task of delineating their own definitons of the good mother and good student.

Once al definitons have been outlined they wil be compared to assess the extent to which these women accept or reject the dominant definitons of the good mother and the good student. This includes not only asking about their experiences combining the two spheres, but also inquiring as to how they perceive themselves as students and as mothers. As part of their experiences, I want to explore what makes combining motherhood and studenthood easier and what makes it more difficult, including what they perceive to be the consequences to themselves and to their family of being a student and a mother at the same time.

The research questions flow from these queries and focus on the woman and her experiences living at the intersection of motherhood and studenthood, in this case being a ful-time doctoral student. Three questions have driven the research project: 9 1. To what extent do the women in this study perceive and accept the dominant ideology of intensive mothering?

To what extent do the women in this study perceive and accept the dominant ideology of the good student? Do the women experience a contradiction between the ideology of intensive mothering and the ideology of the good student? What are the consequences of this contradiction for the women as students and as mothers? These questions not only address the women's experiences of studenthood and motherhood but they enable one to look through their eyes to see how they perceive the definitons of the good mother and the good student and how they take these definitons and, in some ways, modify them to fit their lives as wel as using them to justify and critique their motherhood and studenthood.

In her poem "Accomplishments" , Mertz captures many of the dificulties and frustrations the student mothers in this study experienced atempting to combine motherhood and studenthood. Each of the women experienced competing urgencies, the efects of greedy instiutions and the intersection of the public and private spheres. The two terms used throughout this research to describe the two aspects of the participants' lives being studied are "motherhood" and "studenthood.

It is accepted to describe a student's involvement in their studies and in the university as a "student career. First is the 10 complementarity of the terms motherhood and studenthood. Second, the term "career" atached to "student," in my view, privileges the student side of these women over the mother side. I believe using studenthood is more inclusive and more compatible with motherhood. This study is what Reinharz refered to as a "blending of intelectual question with personal trouble" because my reasons for writng on this topic are both personal and academic.

I begin with my ideas about the ideal mother and the ideal student; with the experiences that formed my ideas about the ideal mother and the ideal student that I bring to this project. When I was very young I saw the film, I Remember Mama , a story of a Norwegian immigrant mother of four living in San Francisco in the early part of the twentieth century. Mama was a wise, hard working and very loving miracle worker whose children looked up to her as someone who could fix any problem and who always knew what to do.

Mama protected her children from the harsh realities of being poor, while teaching them to care for each other and not to judge people by outward appearances. For me, Mama was the ideal mother. She personifed the North American ideal of the good mother, an ideal that I took on with a vengeance when I too became "Mama. Despite being a student and, at times an employed mother, I stil felt deep down that "Mama" was the ideal mother, something to which we should al aspire.

I wanted to know if other mothers thought the same way. On the student side, being a student, has been a way of life for me but my most vivid memories of my education come from elementary school, when I was in grade three. It was not a specifc incidents that year but a general feeling, which came from being placed on, what seemed to be, the slow side of the class.

There were one or two rows of "smart" kids, the ones who were being prepared to skip a grade, then there were the rest of us, doomed to proceed at a regular pace. I cannot recal with certainty if the term "slow" was ever used, but it was implied by comparison to the "faster" or "smarter" children and it left a deep impression.

This was my experience with the image of the ideal student and I wondered if other doctoral students had similar images. My experiences as a student and a student mother were varied. In the process of completing my M. I have atended three Canadian universities. When I entered the M.

I left four years later with a husband, a child and a degree. I started my Ph. Each week I would remain away from home for three days to take courses. When we moved across the country, I transfered into a Ph. Geting maried was not seen as a problem for my coleagues or for my thesis commitee, but having a baby was cause for alarm.

Not being taken as seriously as I had been before, the expectation I would drop out when I became a mother was clear. However, just a year after my daughter was born, I successfuly defended my thesis. Not surprisingly, when I handed in the final copy of my thesis my advisor said, "I realy didn't think you were going to do it.

I came in with children, but I was away from home so I was able to focus on my studies for a few days each week. But motherhood was part of my identity, and I tended to include my family in my education. I learned early in the year that discussing my family through my schoolwork was less than welcome.

Many of my coleagues, al of whom considered themselves feminists, exhibited annoyance at family being mixed with lessons. By transfering out to the west coast my family was around me again. But having the family close meant if anything went wrong at my children's school, they would cal me.

This was a common occurence in the first year. I was particularly disturbed one day when my husband answered the phone and the school secretary asked for me. She asked the children's father to pass her on to the children's mother! My experiences alow me to speak with some authority about being a young 'bachelor' student with no responsibilties, about adding demands mid-stream and about the dificulties and joys of being a mother and a student at the same time. From my experiences I have learned, although there are some faculty and staf who are accommodating and understanding, the university environment is generaly not 13 welcoming for those who have simultaneous demands on their time.

The most notable exceptions was a faculty member who had responsibilty for assigning teaching positons would always ask me which schedule would be best for me given my family responsibilties. He always held back those sections he thought would be the most convenient so those of us with family responsibilties could choose our schedule first.

In this way he made family responsibilties a legitmate university concern. I consider myself to be a feminist and I consider my work feminist research. I draw on a variety of feminist writers not al of whom agree with each other. Having struggled for years atempting to situate myself amongst the feminisms I find I prefer above the rest, the term used by Bensimon and Marshal , in their discussion of feminist policy analysis, "power and politics feminism" 4.

This term includes feminisms focusing on cultural, political, economic and instiutional power that preserve and reproduce patriarchy. Power and politics feminist scholars view men's power as pervasive and enduring because it is so solidly entrenched in the rules, activities and language of organized systems such as religion, education, health and law that we are not able to notice its workings. Bensimon and Marshal, 5 Highlighting the diference between liberal feminists who prefer strategies of accommodation, power and politics feminists prefer strategies of transformation.

According to Bensimon and Marshal , the later feminists study women in the academy in order to transform it. The theoretical framework for this study draws heavily on Hays who, while not explicitly locating her work within feminism, begins with the assumption that patriarchy is the root cause of gender inequality. Hays also locates gender 14 inequality in capitalism using the ideology of the marketplace to explain women's oppression in the private sphere.

Hays highlighted the contradiction between the ideology of intensive mothering and the ideology of the marketplace. The situation of mothers in the workplace seemed to miror the situation of student mothers and the ideology of the marketplace mirored the definition of the good student. In using a theoretical framework that is based on dominant North American views of mothering and work I acknowledge these views are not shared by al women and I have been chalenged in the past to account for using a definition of mothering based on a white, middle-class perspective of mothering.

I do not accept that this is the only valid perspective on mothering. However, I believe, because the women in this research project live in North America, the dominant North American definition of good mothering wil have a profound impact on them regardless of their race, ethnicity, class or sexual orientation, an assumption that has been borne out in this study. I came to this project with a structural feminist perspective, assuming the structure of the university and society would be like milstones around student mothers' necks.

I end this process with a greater understanding of the agency of the women within the context of the university structure. I have found, as did Thomas , that the women's actions, although socialy constrained, are not socialy determined. They make their decisions and choices based on their awareness of the possibilties as wel as limitations of various courses of action. No mater the choices or courses of action taken, how the societal and personal forces encroaching on the lives of these women interact, creates an enormous chalenge to their success as students.

Previous research suggests the chalenges faced by student mothers are signifcantly greater than for students who do 15 not have conflicting sets of responsibilties Edwards, ; Long et al, ; Moses, , this research project takes up this issue. Chapters two through five set the stage for the study. Chapter two is a review of the literature on women in academe, their place within the university as students and as faculty as wel as the academic environment which some have described as masculinist.

Chapter three reviews the literature on the social construction of mothering and motherhood, including a discussion of the ideal mother, the influence of experts and balancing work or studies and family. Chapter five describes the research design and methods used in gathering and analyzing data. Chapters six through eight present and discuss the analysis. Each chapter begins with a vignete; a story of one of the participants as it relates to the topic of the chapter.

Through the use of these stories, the reader can get a beter understanding of how the issues discussed in the chapter interact in the real life of the participants. Chapters six and seven address the first two research questions delineating the societal definition of the good mother and the good student as characterized by the participants as wel as their own definitions. These two chapters include the women's alternative definitons of the good mother and the good student.

Chapter eight, based on the third research question, examines the existence and the consequences of the contradiction between the ideology of the good student and the ideology of intensive mothering as experienced by the participants. In this chapter I 16 explore the ideological work in which the women engage to support their definitons of the good mother and the good student.

Chapter nine draws conclusions from the analysis, provides recommendations where appropriate, and suggests directions for further research. The chapter is divided into four parts. The first three sections directly address the topic of women in higher education including the context or climate of the university, and the literature on women faculty and women students.

The later section of the chapter examines the literature on the good student, including the ideology of the good student. The review draws on Canadian literature as wel as literature from international sources, including research from the United States, Britain and Australia.

In additon, because there is little literature available on student mothers specificaly, I draw on literature focusing on women faculty and students as wel as the literature on women faculty who are mothers. Meritocracy and individualism are important foundational principles in 18 the university.

According to Lewis "the university is stil assumed to be one of the last frontiers of individualism, of hard work where excelence is cultivated - where merit is rewarded" Lewis defines meritocracy as organizations in which people are assigned tasks and responsibilties and successive power, prestige and rewards, on the basis of competence. There is an assumption of equality of opportunity and also a clear relationship between an individual's tasks, responsibilties, power, prestige, and rewards..

The beter qualifed an individual, the more elevated his rank, so that under ideal conditons, the best qualifed exercise the most control. The criteria for advancement are thus clearly evident: competence, performance, and achievement. Lewis, Concomitant to meritocracy is the notion of individualism, which David et al.

What is often missing from the discussion of meritocracy is a discussion of race, class, ability, gender and resource monopolies Slaughter, The literature does not suggest the notion of meritocracy should be abandoned, but it does point out the need for caution as, while implying equality of opportunity, meritocracy does not necessarily result in equality. Lewis argues the notion of meritocracy implies social diferentiation and so it is "neither value-free nor devoid of political meaning" For the purposes of this study I focus on the gendered nature of meritocracy.

A paralel can be drawn between universites as gender-neutral instiutions and other organizations, which are defined as 19 gender-neutral "machines" yet whose authority structures are dominated by masculine principles Acker, ; Kanter, In her book on men's resistance to equality in organizations, Cynthia Cockburn describes how the male culture of organizations blocks the advancement of women.

Although her work is not done in a university seting, her description of men producing a "male culture" that makes women feel out of place, can easily be generalized to universities. The discourse on organizations has presented them as gender neutral Acker, and the ideology of these instiutions is certainly one of equal educational opportunity.

Once inside, however women are confronted with men's "ownership" of the university Cockburn, Acker asserts organizations such as universites are not neutral, but instead are gendered. By this she means "advantage and disadvantage, exploitation and control, action and emotion, meaning and identiy are paterned through, and in terms of, a distinction between male and female, masculine and feminine" Acker, The discussion of how organizations are gendered, especialy how jobs and hierarchies are defined is relevant to an understanding of the positon of students in the university.

According to Acker , job descriptions and hierarchies are presented as abstract categories without a specifc occupant, there is no body, no gender but they are, in fact, intensely gendered. Describing jobs and hierarchies without a human context means the hypothetical workers cannot have other responsibilties in their life that might impinge on their job Acker, Those who are commited to paid employment are "naturaly" assumed to be more suited to responsibilty and authority.

Those who must divide their commitments, are in the lower ranks. For Acker , the only human worker who 20 comes close to this description is the male worker "whose life centres on his ful time, life long job while his wife or another woman takes care of his personal needs and his children" Although non-mothering employed women may fit Acker's description of the totaly commited worker, women who have children, or indeed anyone with care responsibilties, can ofer no such commitment.

The abstract student, as the abstract worker, is described in gender-neutral terms as someone fulfiling the requirements of a university programme. Life processes do not have a place in this seemingly neutral description of "student" as these intrude upon and disrupt the ideal workings of the university.

Harris, Thiele and Curie used Acker's framework for analysing the implications of the gendered organization of universities. Acker argues the gendered nature of an organization is reflected in the division of labour along sex lines; symbols and images that explain and express theses divisions; paterns of interaction between and among men and women; gendered subjectivity; and the underlying processes of the organization Acker, Haris et al.

When gender is acknowledged it has generaly been treated as a demographic characteristic, and so diferential treatment of women in the academy tends to be atributed to individual diferences rather than the masculinist context. According to Bensimon and Marshal , conventional policy analysis assumes that the academic structures, practices and processes are gender blind. As such, they are incapable of 21 recognizing or understanding cases of gender discrimination resulting from structures, norms, values and practices that are gendered.

The problem for women is often framed as if it were a mater of representation; there are too few women in academe. The solution then is to increase the number of women students and faculty. Alternatively the problem is identified as incomplete or inadequate socialization to the institution. The later conclusion leads to strategies that would enhance women's socialization into the university but ignores the fact that socialization is not gender blind.

Feminist policy analysis, in which gender is a lens through which policy is scrutinized, has documented how "seemingly neutral structures and policies contribute to the accumulation of advantage for men" Bensimon and Marshal, From a feminist perspective, however, the focus shifts to the university and how it must change. It is not enough to add more women and change them, what is necessary is a reinvention of the university including fundamental changes in teaching practices, instiutional policies and social organization Bensimon and Marshal, Symbols and images reflecting the gendered nature of the university were evident in language, which Haris et al.

They found "alusions to monastic life" as wel as general discourse of "individual excelence, scientific rationality and quantiative output" The paterns of interaction between and among men and women indicated a general exclusion of women from what Haris et al.

In 22 additon they found women's behaviours were managed through "normative conceptions" of what was appropriate for women such as deference to men and reluctance to promote their achievements. This created particular dificulties for the few women in senior management, as the normative requirement of deference to men conflicted with their positon of authority Finaly, Haris et al. Production is privileged over reproduction, and output is privileged over process Harris, Thiele and Currie, They related this to the last part of Acker's framework, which states that the gendered nature of the organization is reflected in the basic processes of the organization.

In another seting, Smith et al. More than just a mater of atitude, the gender organization of the instiution is part of how it gets its business done, and afects the daily workings of the university. Acker's framework has some similarities to the one developed by Thomas in that same year. Thomas delineated four levels at which gender relations are reproduced in education: ideology; structure or organization; sexual division of labour; and definitons of legitmate knowledge At the first level, the ideology of the good student dictates appropriate and necessary behaviours for students in higher education.

Secondly, the structure of higher education is stil geared toward the "bachelor students" who live with their parents or are on their own for the first time. As discussed earlier, the 23 number of men in positons wielding greater power highlights the sexual division of labour in higher education. Higher proportions of women, on the other hand, are in the lower ranks of the professoriate as wel as in part-time rather than ful-time positons.

Finaly, Thomas contends that knowledge is presented as if it were neutral and objective even though it is not. The meaning of "legitmate knowledge" is highlighted by remarks such as the one made by a professor who did not want the "women's" perspective discussed in his class, reported by Blackwel According to Dagg and Thompson , an anti-woman ambience in academe serves to undermine the confidence and self-respect of women scholars.

Just because women enter the academy does not mean their contributions are valued equaly with those of men Schick, For Graham, Reily and Rawlings , the central problem is that the university is a patriarchal system, which seeks to maintain itself through its educational materials, pedagogy, structure and membership.

Conscious or deliberate discrimination continues to exist in universities, but visible discrimination is not the only concern invisible or systemic discrimination is also a concern. According to Backhouse et al. Systemic discrimination is the result of a seemingly neutral set of requirements being applied universaly. In accordance with the definition of systemic discrimination Backhouse et al. The first is an oppositon to nepotism and the second is the oppositon to hiring the university's own graduates.

It has been the case that women graduate students often met and maried other students or professors in their field. Under anti-nepotism rules the woman marying a professor or marying a man who then became a professor, was automaticaly disqualifed from any future academic positons in the same university. The other example, the reluctance of universites to hire their own graduates, means that a woman who earns her degree where her husband is employed or a woman who is unable to move to another university is, again, automaticaly disqualifed from taking an academic position.

While these rules seem fair and are applied equaly to everyone they have the efect of discriminating against some people. The example I have used is women, but it could just as easily apply to anyone who is not able to move to go to school or to take a job at a university.

Educating women means more than just admitng them into an institution, which was designed for males. The problems women face in the university paralel the problems of the role of women in our society. According to Chamberlain , the fundamental problem for women is rooted in the separation of spheres and the resulting patern of mothers having primary responsibilty for child rearing.

Smith , refering to her own experiences as a single mother and academic at Berkeley in California, argues the university was, and stil is, purposefuly organized to create a world independent of the local and particular Smith, 6. The world of academia is set apart from the world of women with childcare responsibilties; a 25 world of diapers, day care and al the other stresses and joys of motherhood.

She refers to the state of academic mothers as "bifurcated consciousness," defined as "two modes of consciousness [existing] in the same person. Jane Roland Martin refers to women in academe as "immigrants" because their experiences are similar to those who immigrate to a new country. They have to learn a new language and new customs. They work hard to adopt the ways and norms of the dominant group - what Blackwel refered to as "cross-dressing" If they cannot pass for one of the dominant group, they run the risk of not being taken seriously and being excluded.

At the University of British Columbia, the first woman dean was appointed in the Faculty of Education, a female dominated discipline, in Stewart, and it took another ten years for a female president to be appointed. While there were three women deans at UBC before this they were al in the positon of Dean of Women, which was not considered an academic position.

In her history of women at the University of British Columbia, Stewart atributed the lack of women in upper administrative roles to the gender exclusive nature of the university's organization. She concluded the sense of cultural entilement evident in the university's moto Tuum Est, which means "it is yours," has been directed more at men than at women. For Stewart, the second meaning of Tuum Est, "It's up to you" applies to women in university.

Gilet , commenting on the plight of women in the University of Toronto, in the early 's, said women were "in" the university but not "of it Examining the positon of women in the university one hundred years later, the Commission of 26 Inquiry on Canadian University Education in , made a similar finding Smith Commission. Although it states, "Canadian universites today are fundamentaly healthy and are serving the country wel," it goes on to say, "universites are looking rather like places where women study and the men run the instiution" Lussier, In the same way female academics are in but not of the university, women students are in the university but their contributions are not valued equaly with those of men.

Stalker and Prentice , refer to women being in but not of the university as the "ilusion of inclusion" and identify two harmful ilusions in post-secondary education. The first is, although women and people of other non-dominant groups are included in post-secondary education, educational instiutions practice "subtle, insidious and damaging forms of sexism.

The second ilusion is that academe is based on merit. Stalker and Prentice argue "only systemic discrimination can explain the marginalization of women and other minorites in higher education" Stalker and Prentice, Hal and Sandler and studied the experiences of women in higher education and found there were certain behaviours in the classroom as wel as on campus generaly which had the efect of creating an environment, which can interfere with women's academic participation and career goals and ultimately their development of self-confidence Lussier, They refer to this as the "chily climate.

Stalker and Prentice, 19 Stalker and Prentice refer to the "inconsequential or trivial" practices as "micro-inequites" and say the problem is not just the more blatant discrimination but also the micro-inequites; the behaviours that go unremarked and are not seen as discriminatory but make women uncomfortable.

These behaviours tend to put women at a disadvantage. The overal efect of the chily climate is women find the university less supportive of them, than of men. According to Blackwel women's motives for entering university have long been suspect. Three decades before our research began, it was a common idea that a woman went to university to get her 'MRS' degree, that is, to acquire a husband who had promise of economic success and social respectabilty.

Blackwel, 61 Blackwel's study of graduate students' academic experience found this witicism that degraded women and their academic aspirations, has continued to flourish. Most of the women participants in her study indicated they had been subjected to it. Research on women in post-secondary education indicates women are continualy faced with contradictions.

For example, Chisholm and Woodward , cited in Thomas, found women graduate students were torn between the choice of starting a family or using their education to enter high status jobs. Haris and Weisstein 28 reported findings similar to Caplan's "Catch 22s. Those who rule have the ruling ideas and are able to preserve their hegemony through their abilty to convince subordinates of the validity of their ideas Acker, More explicitly, "men impose their conceptualisation of the world on women, whose own experiences are regarded as a less valid, less convincing, and a less scientific way of understanding" Acker, According to Gilett, the academic context is stil infused with a residual belief in male superiority and even if we achieve what is considered to be a critical mas of women we have to remember that numbers are not as important as ideology.

Those who were able to do wel were those who could fit into the status quo most comfortably. Turner and Thompson cite James Blackwel to ilustrate the point. Those who teach are often guilty of subconscious though sometimes conscious and deliberate eforts to reproduce themselves through students they come to respect, admire and hope to mentor.

When women experience dificulties because of the multiple responsibilties they are required to take on, they often come up against the atitude, "you chose it. David et al. They link the notion of choice with what they refer to as the "new individualism. Underlying this modernist discourse is the assumption that having choice in something is tantamount to having control over it and the implication that exercising choice means taking responsibilty for the making and the outcome of the decision.

The concept of choice is gender-blind and may afect women and men in diferent ways resulting in systemic discrimination. Therefore there is not a real sense of "free choice" in terms of choices mothers make. While mothers generaly are viewed free to choose whether or not to go out to work, if they do so they must deal with the consequences as a private and personal responsibilty.

David et al, Universites miror the wider society David et al, and their underlying structures, processes and unexamined social arangements of instiutions of higher education reproduce the larger social structure Lincoln, Failng to recognise cultural diversity or conceptualise the university as a microcosm of the larger society can have serious consequences for those who are not of the dominant group.

Unfortunately, "minority" or nontraditonal students are left on the periphery of a largely unchanged university, which Tierney describes as "being on the border. Universites have been accused of being slow to change Chamberlain, ; Hornosty, Despite the fact that research caried out within the university often critques social organization, the university itself is often slow to recognize inequites with regard to its own internal organization.

The response of many administrators is concern over subdividing or accommodating the needs of a diverse population. Administrators use terms such as "special interest groups" Wilkerson, , a term that tends to deny legitmate concerns of historicaly marginalized groups. Wilkerson encourages university administrators to ask themselves what conditons exist that create the need for "special groups" Mohrman contrasts the traditional way of dealing with diversity through remediation or special programming handled by student afairs, with the concept of shared responsibilty, which concerns itself with the intelectual direction of the future.

In the later approach, "diversity is not about them it is about al of us" [author's emphasis] Mohrman, This is the approach espoused by the University of British Columbia when it adopted the "efective teaching principles and practices," which "include respect for diverse talents and learning styles of students and sensitvity to intelectual and cultural issues" Equity Ofice, In additon the Annual Report for the year , the Equity Ofice at the University of British Columbia applauded the Faculty of Graduate Studies for eliminating restrictions on distance education courses taken for credit toward a degree.

This change in policy "helps students with childcare responsibilties or disabilties complete their work in a timely manner" Equity Ofice, The 31 University of British Columbia Academic Plan states that the university "must seek, and value, diversity in the student body" 5 and encourages the university to admit more "mature students" 7.

Acknowledging the bariers experienced by nontraditonal students, the Academic Plan states, "where bariers exist for non-traditonal learners, we should remove them" 6. In light of the bariers identified in the literature it would be valuable to assess the impact of this document in ten years. Women Faculty According to Acker the bariers to equality that women academics experience have their roots deep inside the structure of higher education.

The university is permeated with patriarchal views of the world. According to Marchak it cannot possibly be egalitarian. The unwriten and often invisible "rules of the game" are "stacked against" women Marchak, Consequently, while a woman may wel rise to be the president of a university, the individualistic nature of meritocracy means one member of a nondominant group rising to the top does not necessarily alter the opportunites for other members of group Marchak, Brooks studied the relationship between gender, power and the academy.

While the university is presented as a place of equality and where equality is sought, this is not the reality of university life for-many women. Brooks asserts there is a gap between "the model of equality and fairness and the sexist reality of academic life in the instiution" 2. While the number of women faculty has increased they are stil disproportionately found in certain traditional female-dominated academic areas such as education and nursing Hornosty, Looking to the future, the Senior Women Academic Administrators of Canada stated, "At the rate we're going, it wil take 1, more years -or sixty-four generations - before women see equity as faculty, administrators and role models in Canadian universities.

According to the Equity Report , the proportion of women faculty at the University of British Columbia has risen from Geting women into the university is a good start; the other half of the struggle is keeping and then promoting them.

After ten years a comparison was made to discover how many had been promoted through the ranks, how many had left and the gender compositon of the groups. Assuming men and women would be promoted at the same rate the findings indicate signifcant gender diferences. The study showed that while 71 53 men and 18 women of the original had left the university, 23 men and only 1 woman had been promoted to the rank of ful professor.

The report identified this as a statisticaly signifcant diference between the promotion of men and women Equity Ofice, 10 Paula Caplan argues that women who encounter bariers may not recognise the systemic source of those bariers because the university gives the impressions of being welcoming and safe. Instead they may think they are doing 33 something wrong, not doing enough, or both 4. Although women tend to get blamed for their own insecurities, it is a combination of female socialization to feel inadequate, and the very real sexist aspects existing in academic setings that create or exacerbate these insecurites One of the women Caplan interviewed states the university runs with very little self-examination.

The university lives the unexamined life. It has unwriten rules, and those who can "read" them are the most like those in power- white male etc. Caplan, 34 With many rules left unwriten, those who are not treated fairly may find it impossible to prove rules were broken. Caplan outlines seven points to highlight the discrepancies between women and men in the university. First is what she refers to as the academic funnel, the pictorial representation of enrolment and employment figures for women.

Within faculty, women are concentrated in the lower ranks. At the rank of ful professor, women make up only Women are also more likely to work in lower status instiutions, and receive a lower salary than men Caplan, At the University of British Columbia, it was found that women graduate students are less likely to receive university financial support than were men. This reduced monthly 34 income often results in higher long-term debt load for women than for men.

Women are more likely to be registered as part-time students and be part-time faculty. Caplan reminds us of the disadvantages that come with part-time status such as lower remuneration; fewer resources available to do the job wel and dificulties geting to know the dynamics or politics of the department.

Women are under-epresented in administrative positons as wel; especialy in the higher positons where power rests. Finaly, Caplan asserts women faculty are more likely to have heavier teaching loads and family responsibilties than male faculty because they are in the lower ranks of the faculty.

Caplan identified several myths women academics hold about academe: the myth of meritocracy; the myth of non-discrimination and fairness; the myth of liberalism and openness; and the myth of individualism. The myth of meritocracy is the belief people are formaly rewarded according to the quantiy and quality of their work She states administrators often say they want to hire more women but there are not any qualified women to hire.

The myth of non-discrimination and fairness and the myth of liberalism and openness both address how people are dealt with in the university and stem from the perspectives of those outside of academe. According to Caplan many women academics regard instiutions of higher education as "bastions of liberalism and fairness" although historicaly, academe has not been open to hiring and promoting nontraditonal applicants.

According to the myth of non-discrimination and fairness, there are no power dynamics in academe. The myth of colegiality is related to this. It 35 states academe is not about power; instead people work together cooperatively as partners. The last myth identified by Caplan is a culmination of the others, asserting if you try hard and do good work you wil succeed.

Implicit in this myth is the coresponding negative, but often unspoken idea; if you do not succeed then you cannot blame anyone but yourself. Caplan concludes, Anyone who genuinely believed academe to be a meritocracy in which objective standards are used to make democratic, colegialy respectful decisions must necessarily believe that a person who fails to make it must be individualy deficient.

Caplan, According to Caplan , women are in a dificult positon in the university. First if a woman fails in the university it proves women are inferior, but if she succeeds she becomes proof nothing stands in between women and success in academe and so women have no right to complain. Second, women academics are not considered "real women" if they do not have children and devote a great deal of time to them. But women academics who devote a great deal of time to their children are said not to take their careers seriously.

This is projected onto al academic women, so even if you do not have children, you may not be taken seriously because some day you might have them Caplan, The perception of family status is diferent for women and men Coser, ; Rothbel, Professional women may be taking a greater risk than professional men in revealing their family status Coser, Coser and Rothbel both argue it is positve for a man to be seen to care for his family.

For example, at the University of Toronto in , women were permited to take exams, although they were not permited to atend lectures. The women were left to "eavesdrop" from the coridors Gilett, In the first women students were admited into the medical school of Queen's University at Kingston. Despite the sexual harassment the women endured from professors they persisted in their studies Gilett, ; McKelop, The reaction of the male medical students was more efective.

They warned that if the women remained in the Queen's Medical School, they would migrate en masse. The administration succumbed to this threat, so the women had to go. Gilett, 39 Describing the aftermath of the boycot by Queen's male medical students, McKelop explained that the women who persisted in demanding an education in medicine had to take separate classes in a separate building from the male students; a situation that continued for the next decade McKelop, In , at McGil University, the Principal took a diferent approach.

Instead of listing women's shortcomings and arguing they should not be alowed into the university, he listed the university's shortcomings, including the lack of a toilet for women, which he ofered as a rationale for excluding women. Stil, women persisted, and because of their persistence the university opened faculties of nursing and home economics, places where the women could be accommodated.

According to Lussier , giving women a separate field of study was the least expensive way of satisfying women's demands for equal access and opportunity while not having to accommodate them in the established professional fields. Hence the creation of the School of Nursing at the Vancouver City Hospital Vancouver General Hospital , which satisfied the need to educate women but was not financed by the University of British Columbia Stewart, While there has been a substantial increase in the relative number of degrees awarded to women students, they are, like their counterparts The statistics in the literature vary.

Kerlin and Pyke state they comprise The under-representation of women in faculty positons has a direct impact on students through the advisor-student relationship and the lack of mentoring of women students Saunders et al, ; Theodore, What women academics are able to do has a profound impact on women students who develop a sense of place in the university, partly from their own sense of self or identiy and autonomy, but also from observing role models such as women professors Brooks, Berg and Ferber state women are at a disadvantage, which is the inevitable result of an increase in the number of women students without an equivalent increase in the number of women faculty able to advise them.

As noted earlier, the university is often perceived as a masculinist environment, and researchers have found that women students are often aware of learning in a masculine environment. According to Stewart , in the early part of the twentieth century, the standards of feminine behaviour and academic credibilty made increasingly contradictory demands on female students.

She concluded, "It [is] dificult to be both atractive to men and taken seriously" Stewart, Sixty years later, women's struggle to be taken seriously continues. Moses found women students often 39 thought academia did not value female atributes and activities and many women experience a lack of confidence because of the constant struggle to be taken seriously.

Ridding compared the experiences of doctoral students in four diferent disciplines and found that women in physics, although conscious of the fact they were functioning in a decidedly male environment, did not describe this situation as particularly problematic Ridding, The history department was also described as a distinctively male environment but the women interviewed spoke of feeling less secure than their male coleagues.

This often began with their interaction in courses where the atmosphere can be, at first, particularly intimidating for women Ridding, The women in the history department were not necessarily passive and some female graduate students wanted to reject the "this is just male, aggressive, survive if you can" atitude that the individualistic approach to doctoral research seems to engender. Across disciplines, twice as many women as men described a masculine environment in which women were treated as people who participated in intelectual life only in a special and limited capacity, while men were considered the primary participants.

Saunders et al. One reason for this perception is some women have family responsibilties that claim their time. From the perspective of the university, familes tend to impede women's educational activities and can have an isolating impact 40 on women Edwards, ; Moses ; Ridding, One of the participants in Moses' study said, [A] period of being a wife and mother has made the single mindedness that postgraduate study requires very hard to maintain at times.

In Moses' study of why women do not go into postgraduate programmes, she found many women were not able to participate fuly in any activities that were in the late afternoon or evening. Although seminars were held in the evening to accommodate part time students, it conflicted with childcare responsibilties for others. According to Ridding, students with family commitments were particularly limited in their abilty to interact with other students Ridding, The financial impact of familes on women is considerable.

Women's expenses increase and most scholarships focus on marks, ignoring the connection between marks and responsibilties Saunders et al,

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Creative writing courses at university The library catalogue and link to their recovery that incorporates much of a publication that we dedicate this edition. If business case study template word is correct, then much of what we consider distinctive to language must in fact involve operations available in pre-linguistic cognitive domains Higginbotham Brothers is committed to doing everything possible to provide its customers with superior services and products that meet real needs and provide lasting value. It has been the case that women graduate students often met and maried other students or professors in their field. Edwards and Long et al. Hawley states men do not feel prepared and perhaps may even be reluctant to take on the responsibilty for domestic chores. She asked the children's father to pass her on to the children's mother! He accused the mas university of isolating the "intelectualy serious" students from the intelectual stimulation of the faculty by admitng so many students, faculty could not give the talented students the time they needed to develop
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Donald higgenbitham thesis I believe using studenthood is more inclusive and more compatible with guernica and essays. As Caplan states, "mothers have nearly al the work and receive nearly al the blame" Caplan, The under-representation of women in faculty positons has a direct impact on students through the advisor-student relationship and the lack of mentoring of women students Saunders et al, ; Theodore, The unwriten and often invisible "rules of the game" are "stacked against" women Marchak, According to O'Day"Colege is a way of life" She does not make a similar suggestion to men who are pursuing their doctorates.
Cheap article ghostwriters for hire online In his study of doctoral students Ridding found virtualy al students spoke of the isolating efects of doctoral studies. As part of their experiences, I want to explore what makes combining motherhood and studenthood easier and what makes it more difficult, including what they perceive to be the consequences to themselves and to their family of being a student and a mother at the same time. My experiences alow me to speak with some authority about being a young 'bachelor' student with no responsibilties, about adding demands mid-stream and about the dificulties and joys of being a mother and a student at the same time. Barnes refered to the notion of the ideal student as the "super student. It is noted, for example, to show us how easily internet connections and research paper on sickle cell anemia between small bits of evidence in all sorts of situations. In ter est ing and tobacco lobbies but as its primary aim purpose of this study was to stand out from all three sentences and scientific vocabulary to this study. From my experiences I have learned, although there are some faculty and staf who are accommodating and understanding, the university environment is generaly not 13 welcoming for those who have simultaneous demands on their time.

QUOTATIONS ON ESSAY CO EDUCATION

She personifed the North American ideal of the good mother, an ideal that I took on with a vengeance when I too became "Mama. Despite being a student and, at times an employed mother, I stil felt deep down that "Mama" was the ideal mother, something to which we should al aspire. I wanted to know if other mothers thought the same way.

On the student side, being a student, has been a way of life for me but my most vivid memories of my education come from elementary school, when I was in grade three. It was not a specifc incidents that year but a general feeling, which came from being placed on, what seemed to be, the slow side of the class. There were one or two rows of "smart" kids, the ones who were being prepared to skip a grade, then there were the rest of us, doomed to proceed at a regular pace.

I cannot recal with certainty if the term "slow" was ever used, but it was implied by comparison to the "faster" or "smarter" children and it left a deep impression. This was my experience with the image of the ideal student and I wondered if other doctoral students had similar images. My experiences as a student and a student mother were varied.

In the process of completing my M. I have atended three Canadian universities. When I entered the M. I left four years later with a husband, a child and a degree. I started my Ph. Each week I would remain away from home for three days to take courses. When we moved across the country, I transfered into a Ph.

Geting maried was not seen as a problem for my coleagues or for my thesis commitee, but having a baby was cause for alarm. Not being taken as seriously as I had been before, the expectation I would drop out when I became a mother was clear.

However, just a year after my daughter was born, I successfuly defended my thesis. Not surprisingly, when I handed in the final copy of my thesis my advisor said, "I realy didn't think you were going to do it. I came in with children, but I was away from home so I was able to focus on my studies for a few days each week. But motherhood was part of my identity, and I tended to include my family in my education.

I learned early in the year that discussing my family through my schoolwork was less than welcome. Many of my coleagues, al of whom considered themselves feminists, exhibited annoyance at family being mixed with lessons. By transfering out to the west coast my family was around me again. But having the family close meant if anything went wrong at my children's school, they would cal me.

This was a common occurence in the first year. I was particularly disturbed one day when my husband answered the phone and the school secretary asked for me. She asked the children's father to pass her on to the children's mother! My experiences alow me to speak with some authority about being a young 'bachelor' student with no responsibilties, about adding demands mid-stream and about the dificulties and joys of being a mother and a student at the same time.

From my experiences I have learned, although there are some faculty and staf who are accommodating and understanding, the university environment is generaly not 13 welcoming for those who have simultaneous demands on their time. The most notable exceptions was a faculty member who had responsibilty for assigning teaching positons would always ask me which schedule would be best for me given my family responsibilties.

He always held back those sections he thought would be the most convenient so those of us with family responsibilties could choose our schedule first. In this way he made family responsibilties a legitmate university concern. I consider myself to be a feminist and I consider my work feminist research. I draw on a variety of feminist writers not al of whom agree with each other.

Having struggled for years atempting to situate myself amongst the feminisms I find I prefer above the rest, the term used by Bensimon and Marshal , in their discussion of feminist policy analysis, "power and politics feminism" 4. This term includes feminisms focusing on cultural, political, economic and instiutional power that preserve and reproduce patriarchy.

Power and politics feminist scholars view men's power as pervasive and enduring because it is so solidly entrenched in the rules, activities and language of organized systems such as religion, education, health and law that we are not able to notice its workings. Bensimon and Marshal, 5 Highlighting the diference between liberal feminists who prefer strategies of accommodation, power and politics feminists prefer strategies of transformation. According to Bensimon and Marshal , the later feminists study women in the academy in order to transform it.

The theoretical framework for this study draws heavily on Hays who, while not explicitly locating her work within feminism, begins with the assumption that patriarchy is the root cause of gender inequality. Hays also locates gender 14 inequality in capitalism using the ideology of the marketplace to explain women's oppression in the private sphere. Hays highlighted the contradiction between the ideology of intensive mothering and the ideology of the marketplace. The situation of mothers in the workplace seemed to miror the situation of student mothers and the ideology of the marketplace mirored the definition of the good student.

In using a theoretical framework that is based on dominant North American views of mothering and work I acknowledge these views are not shared by al women and I have been chalenged in the past to account for using a definition of mothering based on a white, middle-class perspective of mothering. I do not accept that this is the only valid perspective on mothering.

However, I believe, because the women in this research project live in North America, the dominant North American definition of good mothering wil have a profound impact on them regardless of their race, ethnicity, class or sexual orientation, an assumption that has been borne out in this study. I came to this project with a structural feminist perspective, assuming the structure of the university and society would be like milstones around student mothers' necks.

I end this process with a greater understanding of the agency of the women within the context of the university structure. I have found, as did Thomas , that the women's actions, although socialy constrained, are not socialy determined. They make their decisions and choices based on their awareness of the possibilties as wel as limitations of various courses of action.

No mater the choices or courses of action taken, how the societal and personal forces encroaching on the lives of these women interact, creates an enormous chalenge to their success as students. Previous research suggests the chalenges faced by student mothers are signifcantly greater than for students who do 15 not have conflicting sets of responsibilties Edwards, ; Long et al, ; Moses, , this research project takes up this issue.

Chapters two through five set the stage for the study. Chapter two is a review of the literature on women in academe, their place within the university as students and as faculty as wel as the academic environment which some have described as masculinist.

Chapter three reviews the literature on the social construction of mothering and motherhood, including a discussion of the ideal mother, the influence of experts and balancing work or studies and family. Chapter five describes the research design and methods used in gathering and analyzing data.

Chapters six through eight present and discuss the analysis. Each chapter begins with a vignete; a story of one of the participants as it relates to the topic of the chapter. Through the use of these stories, the reader can get a beter understanding of how the issues discussed in the chapter interact in the real life of the participants. Chapters six and seven address the first two research questions delineating the societal definition of the good mother and the good student as characterized by the participants as wel as their own definitions.

These two chapters include the women's alternative definitons of the good mother and the good student. Chapter eight, based on the third research question, examines the existence and the consequences of the contradiction between the ideology of the good student and the ideology of intensive mothering as experienced by the participants.

In this chapter I 16 explore the ideological work in which the women engage to support their definitons of the good mother and the good student. Chapter nine draws conclusions from the analysis, provides recommendations where appropriate, and suggests directions for further research.

The chapter is divided into four parts. The first three sections directly address the topic of women in higher education including the context or climate of the university, and the literature on women faculty and women students. The later section of the chapter examines the literature on the good student, including the ideology of the good student. The review draws on Canadian literature as wel as literature from international sources, including research from the United States, Britain and Australia.

In additon, because there is little literature available on student mothers specificaly, I draw on literature focusing on women faculty and students as wel as the literature on women faculty who are mothers. Meritocracy and individualism are important foundational principles in 18 the university. According to Lewis "the university is stil assumed to be one of the last frontiers of individualism, of hard work where excelence is cultivated - where merit is rewarded" Lewis defines meritocracy as organizations in which people are assigned tasks and responsibilties and successive power, prestige and rewards, on the basis of competence.

There is an assumption of equality of opportunity and also a clear relationship between an individual's tasks, responsibilties, power, prestige, and rewards.. The beter qualifed an individual, the more elevated his rank, so that under ideal conditons, the best qualifed exercise the most control. The criteria for advancement are thus clearly evident: competence, performance, and achievement.

Lewis, Concomitant to meritocracy is the notion of individualism, which David et al. What is often missing from the discussion of meritocracy is a discussion of race, class, ability, gender and resource monopolies Slaughter, The literature does not suggest the notion of meritocracy should be abandoned, but it does point out the need for caution as, while implying equality of opportunity, meritocracy does not necessarily result in equality.

Lewis argues the notion of meritocracy implies social diferentiation and so it is "neither value-free nor devoid of political meaning" For the purposes of this study I focus on the gendered nature of meritocracy. A paralel can be drawn between universites as gender-neutral instiutions and other organizations, which are defined as 19 gender-neutral "machines" yet whose authority structures are dominated by masculine principles Acker, ; Kanter, In her book on men's resistance to equality in organizations, Cynthia Cockburn describes how the male culture of organizations blocks the advancement of women.

Although her work is not done in a university seting, her description of men producing a "male culture" that makes women feel out of place, can easily be generalized to universities. The discourse on organizations has presented them as gender neutral Acker, and the ideology of these instiutions is certainly one of equal educational opportunity. Once inside, however women are confronted with men's "ownership" of the university Cockburn, Acker asserts organizations such as universites are not neutral, but instead are gendered.

By this she means "advantage and disadvantage, exploitation and control, action and emotion, meaning and identiy are paterned through, and in terms of, a distinction between male and female, masculine and feminine" Acker, The discussion of how organizations are gendered, especialy how jobs and hierarchies are defined is relevant to an understanding of the positon of students in the university.

According to Acker , job descriptions and hierarchies are presented as abstract categories without a specifc occupant, there is no body, no gender but they are, in fact, intensely gendered. Describing jobs and hierarchies without a human context means the hypothetical workers cannot have other responsibilties in their life that might impinge on their job Acker, Those who are commited to paid employment are "naturaly" assumed to be more suited to responsibilty and authority.

Those who must divide their commitments, are in the lower ranks. For Acker , the only human worker who 20 comes close to this description is the male worker "whose life centres on his ful time, life long job while his wife or another woman takes care of his personal needs and his children" Although non-mothering employed women may fit Acker's description of the totaly commited worker, women who have children, or indeed anyone with care responsibilties, can ofer no such commitment.

The abstract student, as the abstract worker, is described in gender-neutral terms as someone fulfiling the requirements of a university programme. Life processes do not have a place in this seemingly neutral description of "student" as these intrude upon and disrupt the ideal workings of the university.

Harris, Thiele and Curie used Acker's framework for analysing the implications of the gendered organization of universities. Acker argues the gendered nature of an organization is reflected in the division of labour along sex lines; symbols and images that explain and express theses divisions; paterns of interaction between and among men and women; gendered subjectivity; and the underlying processes of the organization Acker, Haris et al.

When gender is acknowledged it has generaly been treated as a demographic characteristic, and so diferential treatment of women in the academy tends to be atributed to individual diferences rather than the masculinist context.

According to Bensimon and Marshal , conventional policy analysis assumes that the academic structures, practices and processes are gender blind. As such, they are incapable of 21 recognizing or understanding cases of gender discrimination resulting from structures, norms, values and practices that are gendered. The problem for women is often framed as if it were a mater of representation; there are too few women in academe.

The solution then is to increase the number of women students and faculty. Alternatively the problem is identified as incomplete or inadequate socialization to the institution. The later conclusion leads to strategies that would enhance women's socialization into the university but ignores the fact that socialization is not gender blind.

Feminist policy analysis, in which gender is a lens through which policy is scrutinized, has documented how "seemingly neutral structures and policies contribute to the accumulation of advantage for men" Bensimon and Marshal, From a feminist perspective, however, the focus shifts to the university and how it must change. It is not enough to add more women and change them, what is necessary is a reinvention of the university including fundamental changes in teaching practices, instiutional policies and social organization Bensimon and Marshal, Symbols and images reflecting the gendered nature of the university were evident in language, which Haris et al.

They found "alusions to monastic life" as wel as general discourse of "individual excelence, scientific rationality and quantiative output" The paterns of interaction between and among men and women indicated a general exclusion of women from what Haris et al.

In 22 additon they found women's behaviours were managed through "normative conceptions" of what was appropriate for women such as deference to men and reluctance to promote their achievements. This created particular dificulties for the few women in senior management, as the normative requirement of deference to men conflicted with their positon of authority Finaly, Haris et al.

Production is privileged over reproduction, and output is privileged over process Harris, Thiele and Currie, They related this to the last part of Acker's framework, which states that the gendered nature of the organization is reflected in the basic processes of the organization. In another seting, Smith et al. More than just a mater of atitude, the gender organization of the instiution is part of how it gets its business done, and afects the daily workings of the university.

Acker's framework has some similarities to the one developed by Thomas in that same year. Thomas delineated four levels at which gender relations are reproduced in education: ideology; structure or organization; sexual division of labour; and definitons of legitmate knowledge At the first level, the ideology of the good student dictates appropriate and necessary behaviours for students in higher education.

Secondly, the structure of higher education is stil geared toward the "bachelor students" who live with their parents or are on their own for the first time. As discussed earlier, the 23 number of men in positons wielding greater power highlights the sexual division of labour in higher education. Higher proportions of women, on the other hand, are in the lower ranks of the professoriate as wel as in part-time rather than ful-time positons.

Finaly, Thomas contends that knowledge is presented as if it were neutral and objective even though it is not. The meaning of "legitmate knowledge" is highlighted by remarks such as the one made by a professor who did not want the "women's" perspective discussed in his class, reported by Blackwel According to Dagg and Thompson , an anti-woman ambience in academe serves to undermine the confidence and self-respect of women scholars.

Just because women enter the academy does not mean their contributions are valued equaly with those of men Schick, For Graham, Reily and Rawlings , the central problem is that the university is a patriarchal system, which seeks to maintain itself through its educational materials, pedagogy, structure and membership.

Conscious or deliberate discrimination continues to exist in universities, but visible discrimination is not the only concern invisible or systemic discrimination is also a concern. According to Backhouse et al. Systemic discrimination is the result of a seemingly neutral set of requirements being applied universaly. In accordance with the definition of systemic discrimination Backhouse et al. The first is an oppositon to nepotism and the second is the oppositon to hiring the university's own graduates.

It has been the case that women graduate students often met and maried other students or professors in their field. Under anti-nepotism rules the woman marying a professor or marying a man who then became a professor, was automaticaly disqualifed from any future academic positons in the same university. The other example, the reluctance of universites to hire their own graduates, means that a woman who earns her degree where her husband is employed or a woman who is unable to move to another university is, again, automaticaly disqualifed from taking an academic position.

While these rules seem fair and are applied equaly to everyone they have the efect of discriminating against some people. The example I have used is women, but it could just as easily apply to anyone who is not able to move to go to school or to take a job at a university. Educating women means more than just admitng them into an institution, which was designed for males. The problems women face in the university paralel the problems of the role of women in our society.

According to Chamberlain , the fundamental problem for women is rooted in the separation of spheres and the resulting patern of mothers having primary responsibilty for child rearing. Smith , refering to her own experiences as a single mother and academic at Berkeley in California, argues the university was, and stil is, purposefuly organized to create a world independent of the local and particular Smith, 6.

The world of academia is set apart from the world of women with childcare responsibilties; a 25 world of diapers, day care and al the other stresses and joys of motherhood. She refers to the state of academic mothers as "bifurcated consciousness," defined as "two modes of consciousness [existing] in the same person.

Jane Roland Martin refers to women in academe as "immigrants" because their experiences are similar to those who immigrate to a new country. They have to learn a new language and new customs. They work hard to adopt the ways and norms of the dominant group - what Blackwel refered to as "cross-dressing" If they cannot pass for one of the dominant group, they run the risk of not being taken seriously and being excluded.

At the University of British Columbia, the first woman dean was appointed in the Faculty of Education, a female dominated discipline, in Stewart, and it took another ten years for a female president to be appointed. While there were three women deans at UBC before this they were al in the positon of Dean of Women, which was not considered an academic position.

In her history of women at the University of British Columbia, Stewart atributed the lack of women in upper administrative roles to the gender exclusive nature of the university's organization. She concluded the sense of cultural entilement evident in the university's moto Tuum Est, which means "it is yours," has been directed more at men than at women. For Stewart, the second meaning of Tuum Est, "It's up to you" applies to women in university.

Gilet , commenting on the plight of women in the University of Toronto, in the early 's, said women were "in" the university but not "of it Examining the positon of women in the university one hundred years later, the Commission of 26 Inquiry on Canadian University Education in , made a similar finding Smith Commission. Although it states, "Canadian universites today are fundamentaly healthy and are serving the country wel," it goes on to say, "universites are looking rather like places where women study and the men run the instiution" Lussier, In the same way female academics are in but not of the university, women students are in the university but their contributions are not valued equaly with those of men.

Stalker and Prentice , refer to women being in but not of the university as the "ilusion of inclusion" and identify two harmful ilusions in post-secondary education. The first is, although women and people of other non-dominant groups are included in post-secondary education, educational instiutions practice "subtle, insidious and damaging forms of sexism.

The second ilusion is that academe is based on merit. Stalker and Prentice argue "only systemic discrimination can explain the marginalization of women and other minorites in higher education" Stalker and Prentice, Hal and Sandler and studied the experiences of women in higher education and found there were certain behaviours in the classroom as wel as on campus generaly which had the efect of creating an environment, which can interfere with women's academic participation and career goals and ultimately their development of self-confidence Lussier, They refer to this as the "chily climate.

Stalker and Prentice, 19 Stalker and Prentice refer to the "inconsequential or trivial" practices as "micro-inequites" and say the problem is not just the more blatant discrimination but also the micro-inequites; the behaviours that go unremarked and are not seen as discriminatory but make women uncomfortable.

These behaviours tend to put women at a disadvantage. The overal efect of the chily climate is women find the university less supportive of them, than of men. According to Blackwel women's motives for entering university have long been suspect.

Three decades before our research began, it was a common idea that a woman went to university to get her 'MRS' degree, that is, to acquire a husband who had promise of economic success and social respectabilty. Blackwel, 61 Blackwel's study of graduate students' academic experience found this witicism that degraded women and their academic aspirations, has continued to flourish.

Most of the women participants in her study indicated they had been subjected to it. Research on women in post-secondary education indicates women are continualy faced with contradictions. For example, Chisholm and Woodward , cited in Thomas, found women graduate students were torn between the choice of starting a family or using their education to enter high status jobs. Haris and Weisstein 28 reported findings similar to Caplan's "Catch 22s. Those who rule have the ruling ideas and are able to preserve their hegemony through their abilty to convince subordinates of the validity of their ideas Acker, More explicitly, "men impose their conceptualisation of the world on women, whose own experiences are regarded as a less valid, less convincing, and a less scientific way of understanding" Acker, According to Gilett, the academic context is stil infused with a residual belief in male superiority and even if we achieve what is considered to be a critical mas of women we have to remember that numbers are not as important as ideology.

Those who were able to do wel were those who could fit into the status quo most comfortably. Turner and Thompson cite James Blackwel to ilustrate the point. Those who teach are often guilty of subconscious though sometimes conscious and deliberate eforts to reproduce themselves through students they come to respect, admire and hope to mentor.

When women experience dificulties because of the multiple responsibilties they are required to take on, they often come up against the atitude, "you chose it. David et al. They link the notion of choice with what they refer to as the "new individualism. Underlying this modernist discourse is the assumption that having choice in something is tantamount to having control over it and the implication that exercising choice means taking responsibilty for the making and the outcome of the decision.

The concept of choice is gender-blind and may afect women and men in diferent ways resulting in systemic discrimination. Therefore there is not a real sense of "free choice" in terms of choices mothers make. While mothers generaly are viewed free to choose whether or not to go out to work, if they do so they must deal with the consequences as a private and personal responsibilty. David et al, Universites miror the wider society David et al, and their underlying structures, processes and unexamined social arangements of instiutions of higher education reproduce the larger social structure Lincoln, Failng to recognise cultural diversity or conceptualise the university as a microcosm of the larger society can have serious consequences for those who are not of the dominant group.

Unfortunately, "minority" or nontraditonal students are left on the periphery of a largely unchanged university, which Tierney describes as "being on the border. Universites have been accused of being slow to change Chamberlain, ; Hornosty, Despite the fact that research caried out within the university often critques social organization, the university itself is often slow to recognize inequites with regard to its own internal organization.

The response of many administrators is concern over subdividing or accommodating the needs of a diverse population. Administrators use terms such as "special interest groups" Wilkerson, , a term that tends to deny legitmate concerns of historicaly marginalized groups.

Wilkerson encourages university administrators to ask themselves what conditons exist that create the need for "special groups" Mohrman contrasts the traditional way of dealing with diversity through remediation or special programming handled by student afairs, with the concept of shared responsibilty, which concerns itself with the intelectual direction of the future.

In the later approach, "diversity is not about them it is about al of us" [author's emphasis] Mohrman, This is the approach espoused by the University of British Columbia when it adopted the "efective teaching principles and practices," which "include respect for diverse talents and learning styles of students and sensitvity to intelectual and cultural issues" Equity Ofice, In additon the Annual Report for the year , the Equity Ofice at the University of British Columbia applauded the Faculty of Graduate Studies for eliminating restrictions on distance education courses taken for credit toward a degree.

This change in policy "helps students with childcare responsibilties or disabilties complete their work in a timely manner" Equity Ofice, The 31 University of British Columbia Academic Plan states that the university "must seek, and value, diversity in the student body" 5 and encourages the university to admit more "mature students" 7. Acknowledging the bariers experienced by nontraditonal students, the Academic Plan states, "where bariers exist for non-traditonal learners, we should remove them" 6.

In light of the bariers identified in the literature it would be valuable to assess the impact of this document in ten years. Women Faculty According to Acker the bariers to equality that women academics experience have their roots deep inside the structure of higher education. The university is permeated with patriarchal views of the world. According to Marchak it cannot possibly be egalitarian. The unwriten and often invisible "rules of the game" are "stacked against" women Marchak, Consequently, while a woman may wel rise to be the president of a university, the individualistic nature of meritocracy means one member of a nondominant group rising to the top does not necessarily alter the opportunites for other members of group Marchak, Brooks studied the relationship between gender, power and the academy.

While the university is presented as a place of equality and where equality is sought, this is not the reality of university life for-many women. Brooks asserts there is a gap between "the model of equality and fairness and the sexist reality of academic life in the instiution" 2. While the number of women faculty has increased they are stil disproportionately found in certain traditional female-dominated academic areas such as education and nursing Hornosty, Looking to the future, the Senior Women Academic Administrators of Canada stated, "At the rate we're going, it wil take 1, more years -or sixty-four generations - before women see equity as faculty, administrators and role models in Canadian universities.

According to the Equity Report , the proportion of women faculty at the University of British Columbia has risen from Geting women into the university is a good start; the other half of the struggle is keeping and then promoting them. After ten years a comparison was made to discover how many had been promoted through the ranks, how many had left and the gender compositon of the groups.

Assuming men and women would be promoted at the same rate the findings indicate signifcant gender diferences. The study showed that while 71 53 men and 18 women of the original had left the university, 23 men and only 1 woman had been promoted to the rank of ful professor. The report identified this as a statisticaly signifcant diference between the promotion of men and women Equity Ofice, 10 Paula Caplan argues that women who encounter bariers may not recognise the systemic source of those bariers because the university gives the impressions of being welcoming and safe.

Instead they may think they are doing 33 something wrong, not doing enough, or both 4. Although women tend to get blamed for their own insecurities, it is a combination of female socialization to feel inadequate, and the very real sexist aspects existing in academic setings that create or exacerbate these insecurites One of the women Caplan interviewed states the university runs with very little self-examination.

The university lives the unexamined life. It has unwriten rules, and those who can "read" them are the most like those in power- white male etc. Caplan, 34 With many rules left unwriten, those who are not treated fairly may find it impossible to prove rules were broken. Caplan outlines seven points to highlight the discrepancies between women and men in the university. First is what she refers to as the academic funnel, the pictorial representation of enrolment and employment figures for women.

Within faculty, women are concentrated in the lower ranks. At the rank of ful professor, women make up only Women are also more likely to work in lower status instiutions, and receive a lower salary than men Caplan, At the University of British Columbia, it was found that women graduate students are less likely to receive university financial support than were men.

This reduced monthly 34 income often results in higher long-term debt load for women than for men. Women are more likely to be registered as part-time students and be part-time faculty. Caplan reminds us of the disadvantages that come with part-time status such as lower remuneration; fewer resources available to do the job wel and dificulties geting to know the dynamics or politics of the department.

Women are under-epresented in administrative positons as wel; especialy in the higher positons where power rests. Finaly, Caplan asserts women faculty are more likely to have heavier teaching loads and family responsibilties than male faculty because they are in the lower ranks of the faculty. Caplan identified several myths women academics hold about academe: the myth of meritocracy; the myth of non-discrimination and fairness; the myth of liberalism and openness; and the myth of individualism.

The myth of meritocracy is the belief people are formaly rewarded according to the quantiy and quality of their work She states administrators often say they want to hire more women but there are not any qualified women to hire. The myth of non-discrimination and fairness and the myth of liberalism and openness both address how people are dealt with in the university and stem from the perspectives of those outside of academe.

According to Caplan many women academics regard instiutions of higher education as "bastions of liberalism and fairness" although historicaly, academe has not been open to hiring and promoting nontraditonal applicants. According to the myth of non-discrimination and fairness, there are no power dynamics in academe.

The myth of colegiality is related to this. It 35 states academe is not about power; instead people work together cooperatively as partners. The last myth identified by Caplan is a culmination of the others, asserting if you try hard and do good work you wil succeed.

Implicit in this myth is the coresponding negative, but often unspoken idea; if you do not succeed then you cannot blame anyone but yourself. Caplan concludes, Anyone who genuinely believed academe to be a meritocracy in which objective standards are used to make democratic, colegialy respectful decisions must necessarily believe that a person who fails to make it must be individualy deficient. Caplan, According to Caplan , women are in a dificult positon in the university.

First if a woman fails in the university it proves women are inferior, but if she succeeds she becomes proof nothing stands in between women and success in academe and so women have no right to complain. Second, women academics are not considered "real women" if they do not have children and devote a great deal of time to them. But women academics who devote a great deal of time to their children are said not to take their careers seriously.

This is projected onto al academic women, so even if you do not have children, you may not be taken seriously because some day you might have them Caplan, The perception of family status is diferent for women and men Coser, ; Rothbel, Professional women may be taking a greater risk than professional men in revealing their family status Coser, Coser and Rothbel both argue it is positve for a man to be seen to care for his family.

For example, at the University of Toronto in , women were permited to take exams, although they were not permited to atend lectures. The women were left to "eavesdrop" from the coridors Gilett, In the first women students were admited into the medical school of Queen's University at Kingston.

Despite the sexual harassment the women endured from professors they persisted in their studies Gilett, ; McKelop, The reaction of the male medical students was more efective. They warned that if the women remained in the Queen's Medical School, they would migrate en masse. The administration succumbed to this threat, so the women had to go.

Gilett, 39 Describing the aftermath of the boycot by Queen's male medical students, McKelop explained that the women who persisted in demanding an education in medicine had to take separate classes in a separate building from the male students; a situation that continued for the next decade McKelop, In , at McGil University, the Principal took a diferent approach.

Instead of listing women's shortcomings and arguing they should not be alowed into the university, he listed the university's shortcomings, including the lack of a toilet for women, which he ofered as a rationale for excluding women. Stil, women persisted, and because of their persistence the university opened faculties of nursing and home economics, places where the women could be accommodated.

According to Lussier , giving women a separate field of study was the least expensive way of satisfying women's demands for equal access and opportunity while not having to accommodate them in the established professional fields. Hence the creation of the School of Nursing at the Vancouver City Hospital Vancouver General Hospital , which satisfied the need to educate women but was not financed by the University of British Columbia Stewart, While there has been a substantial increase in the relative number of degrees awarded to women students, they are, like their counterparts The statistics in the literature vary.

Kerlin and Pyke state they comprise The under-representation of women in faculty positons has a direct impact on students through the advisor-student relationship and the lack of mentoring of women students Saunders et al, ; Theodore, What women academics are able to do has a profound impact on women students who develop a sense of place in the university, partly from their own sense of self or identiy and autonomy, but also from observing role models such as women professors Brooks, Berg and Ferber state women are at a disadvantage, which is the inevitable result of an increase in the number of women students without an equivalent increase in the number of women faculty able to advise them.

As noted earlier, the university is often perceived as a masculinist environment, and researchers have found that women students are often aware of learning in a masculine environment. According to Stewart , in the early part of the twentieth century, the standards of feminine behaviour and academic credibilty made increasingly contradictory demands on female students.

She concluded, "It [is] dificult to be both atractive to men and taken seriously" Stewart, Sixty years later, women's struggle to be taken seriously continues. Moses found women students often 39 thought academia did not value female atributes and activities and many women experience a lack of confidence because of the constant struggle to be taken seriously.

Ridding compared the experiences of doctoral students in four diferent disciplines and found that women in physics, although conscious of the fact they were functioning in a decidedly male environment, did not describe this situation as particularly problematic Ridding, The history department was also described as a distinctively male environment but the women interviewed spoke of feeling less secure than their male coleagues.

This often began with their interaction in courses where the atmosphere can be, at first, particularly intimidating for women Ridding, The women in the history department were not necessarily passive and some female graduate students wanted to reject the "this is just male, aggressive, survive if you can" atitude that the individualistic approach to doctoral research seems to engender.

Across disciplines, twice as many women as men described a masculine environment in which women were treated as people who participated in intelectual life only in a special and limited capacity, while men were considered the primary participants.

Saunders et al. One reason for this perception is some women have family responsibilties that claim their time. From the perspective of the university, familes tend to impede women's educational activities and can have an isolating impact 40 on women Edwards, ; Moses ; Ridding, One of the participants in Moses' study said, [A] period of being a wife and mother has made the single mindedness that postgraduate study requires very hard to maintain at times.

In Moses' study of why women do not go into postgraduate programmes, she found many women were not able to participate fuly in any activities that were in the late afternoon or evening. Although seminars were held in the evening to accommodate part time students, it conflicted with childcare responsibilties for others. According to Ridding, students with family commitments were particularly limited in their abilty to interact with other students Ridding, The financial impact of familes on women is considerable.

Women's expenses increase and most scholarships focus on marks, ignoring the connection between marks and responsibilties Saunders et al, For example, comparing a B from a woman with care responsibilties to an A from a student without equivalent responsibilties, the woman's care responsibilties afecting her abilty to compete, are not considered.

This was a common concern of the women studied by Long et al. As wel, these women were frustrated by the lack of respect for, and recogniton within the instiution of the work they do as mothers Long et al, ; 41 Sears, Isolation is a common theme amongst Ph. In his study of doctoral students Ridding found virtualy al students spoke of the isolating efects of doctoral studies. When students are doing their own research they are isolated.

As one participant in Moses' study commented, "I have come to resent the isolation of graduate study" Moses, The isolation of doctoral studies stems from the notion universites are meritocratic and the individualistic nature of North American society. These two perspectives produce the belief doctoral students must prove themselves; they achieve or fail on their own. Certainly some research and writng practices require the individual to work in isolation from other students, however the sense of isolation expressed by Ridding's and Moses' participants may have more to do with the competive nature of doctoral studies.

In additon, one could argue the isolation stems from the "sink or swim" perspective that precludes nurturing or guiding students. Post-secondary studies are often portrayed as a situation of "survival of the fitest" Hawley, ; Kerlin R. Students are expected to "sink or swim" on their own Guppy, ; Tom, , an atitude that Hulbert argues, results in a loss of potential. This concern is echoed in the title of Hawley's advice book for doctoral students, Being Bright is Not Enough.

Hawley, a retired professor, found 42 most of the professors she interviewed indicated some of their brightest students had dropped out. Hawley refers to those who drop out as "shadow people. Are these "shadow people" intelectualy inferior to those who stayed the course and received their Ph. Is the graduation ceremony portrayed here simply an example of Social Darwinism in which only the fitest brightest survive?

Hawley, 3 According to Hawley , her advice book is writen from a student-friendly perspective. She provides not only the usual assortment of "how-to" advice but addresses, in a more academic way, the issues or concerns of doctoral students. She begins by citing the statistics of doctoral completion comparing completion rates of the physical sciences and social sciences and humanites.

In addition, she reviews the statistics for "time to degree," although she only uses the registered time to degree, again comparing physical sciences to social sciences and humanites. The number of doctoral students who sink rather than swim is disturbing. The title of Hawley's book reflects her concerns about the atrition rates of doctoral students. Kerlin argues atrition rates have never been of great interest to administrators because atrition is part of the "cooling out" process, or what she refers to as the "weeding out" process.

For Kerlin, "the survival of the fitest model is a poor substiute for weak or unstructured admission policies. The literature uses two measures for time to degree, "registered time to degree" and "total time to degree. The total time to degree is the time it takes a student to finish their degree from the moment they register, taking al leaves or breaks in studies into account.

Using Canadian and American data, S. Kerlin a reports, between and , across disciplines, the median registered time to degree for doctoral students increased from 5. For faculties of education during the same period, total time to degree increased from Comparing registered time to degree between fields, engineers finished the fastest in 6 years while the humanites tended to take 8. Comparing total time to degree for students in physical sciences and students in humanites, Hawley found the former was 7.

Atrition and time to completion have been used in discussions of chily climate to support the finding that the university is a chily climate for women. Pyke , while not disputing the unacceptably high numbers, argues the evidence does not support the conclusions that women are taking longer to complete their degrees and are dropping out at higher rates than men. Although she did not disagree with the overal statistics, she argued the rates for time to degree and atrition for men and women were not dissimilar.

Pyke caried out an archival study and a survey to assess the accuracy of atrition rates and statistics on time to degree. Pyke and Sheridan examined "archival records of almost graduate students doctoral candidates. Pyke found that although women were not leaving their programmes at a higher rate than men, their reasons for leaving were diferent.

Women who withdrew tended to be less satisfied with the overal doctoral experience than men. Fifty-two percent of women indicated that problems in their supervisory relationship were instrumental in their decision to leave their programme while approximately thirty-three percent of the men said dificulties in the supervisory relationship led to their decision to leave. Almost half the men compared to eleven percent of the women reported their supervisors had atempted to persuade them to continue.

Pyke concludes, while women and men leave their doctoral programmes at similar rates, their reasons for leaving reflect diferent experiences of doctoral programmes. In her studies Pyke also highlighted the inaccuracy 45 of curent university enrolment statistics.

A signifcant minority of those who were reported to have dropped out had, in fact, returned to school and finished their degrees despite the fact the university had listed them as oficialy withdrawn Pyke, Pyke did not find a gender diference in the length of time to degree but, as in her study of atrition, she found diferences in men's and women's experiences of doctoral studies.

Women reported less overal satisfaction with their doctoral experience than did men. Specificaly, Pyke found signifcantly more women than men reported less supervisor interest in their research, more conflict among their commitee members, delays in obtaining feedback, which they believed slowed them down.

More women than men believed their gender afected their progress and reported insuficient financial support as a hindrance to their completion of their degree. Signifcantly more men than women reported colaborating with their supervisors on papers. Overal, women were more likely than their male counterparts to perceive the academic climate to be a chily one. Despite the perceived diference in their experiences and their sense of the academic environment as a chily one, Pyke asserts women are not dropping out at greater rates nor are they taking longer to finish their degrees than are men.

She concludes: what is particularly astonishing is that in spite of the multiude of apparent inequites women do not abandon their academic studies nor do they alow these bariers to retard their progress in terms of the time it takes to complete their degrees. Pyke, 24 Pyke focused on ful-time students and did not diferentiate between disciplines unlike Moses , who compared dropouts in the humanites and social sciences and physical sciences and diferentiated between ful-time and part-time studies.

Moses 4 6 found, in the humanites and social sciences, the average completion time for Ph. She atributes this to the fact in these fields, students generaly work on their own to make an original contribution to knowledge, a time consuming task. Students in the humanites and social sciences must do a broad and deep reading of the literature and do research on methodologies before they can formulate their topic and cary out the research project Moses, To the Halls of the Montezuma Winthrop Jordan.

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